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On an open system of entry to higher education, according to Sinhala arguments, Tamils had been disproportionately successful. The government also changed the constitution in 1972 (a move which the UNP repeated in 1978). In both cases, the life of the government in power was prolonged through constitutional change, but this was not the only effect We would argue that the manipulation of the constitution encouraged those Tamils who were beginning to demand complete autonomy to press their claims; it demonstrated that the constitution was not immutable, that it could be manipulated for party political ends.

Rahula, A History of Buddhism in Ceylon, Colombo, 1956, p. 79. 10 For example, Obeyesekere, ‘The vicissitudes’; Roberts, Caste Conflict; de Silva, A History. , p. 13. H. Gunawardana; see Gunawardana, this volume. Other useful reanalyses may be found in ESC and Committee for Rational Development, Sri Lanka—The Ethnic Confict, Delhi, 1984. Spencer, ‘The politics of plunder: the Cholas in eleventh century Ceylon’, JAS, 1976, vol. 35, pp. 410, 416; idem, The Politics of Expansion: The Chola Empire of Sri Lanka and Sri Vijaya, Madras, 1983, p.

An earlier version was read at the Centre d’Etudes de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud, Paris. We would particularly like to thank Eric Meyer and Michael Carrithers for their comments. Rogers ‘Social mobility, popular ideology, and collective violence in modern Sri Lanka’, JAS, 1987, vol. 46, pp. 583–602; idem, Crime, Justice and Society in Colonial Sri Lanka, London, 1987, pp. 157–209. 40 The generation of communal identities 3 Mv. 1. 20. Ponnambalam, Sri Lanka. The National Question and the Tamil Liberation Struggle, London, 1983, p.

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