By J. Dewaele
This is often the 1st large-scale research on how multilinguals consider approximately their languages and use them to speak emotion. utilizing a mixture of quantitative and qualitative approaches, Jean-Marc Dewaele appears to be like on the components that impact multilinguals' self-perceived competence, attitudes, communicative anxiousness, language selection and code-switching whilst expressing emotions, anger and whilst swearing. approximately 1,600 multilinguals from worldwide participated within the examine. the implications recommend that how and whilst a language was once realized determines destiny use and communicative nervousness. points akin to current use of the language, the entire variety of languages recognized, and the extent of emotional intelligence additionally play a tremendous role. Interviews with participants reveal the significance of cultural components and exhibit how the sluggish strategy of acculturation in a brand new group is followed by way of slow adjustments in language personal tastes to speak feelings.
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Extra info for Emotions in Multiple Languages
E. of making universal claims on the basis of language-specific categories, whether cognitive or cultural or both. As a consequence, writes Ye (2001), they are like a frog in a well (jingdiziwa, a Chinese idiomatic expression), unable to jump out and seeing only “the little circle of sky above his well, imagining it to be the whole world” (p. 359). These Anglophone researchers tend to forget that the walls of the well are built with the bricks of specifically Anglophone values and judgements. Wierzbicka and Harkins (2001) accept that there may be a basic human experience of something like “anger”, yet argue that it would be problematic to claim that such an experience would be precisely equivalent to the English “anger”, or to its translation equivalents or synonyms in other languages.
She has insisted that future models of the bilingual lexicon need to acknowledge not just the linguistic and cognitive, but also the affective aspects of the lexicon (2008a: 147). She argues that there is sufficient evidence to prove that on the lexical level, emotion and emotion-laden words need to be considered as a separate class of words in the mental lexicon. Pavlenko refers to research by Altarriba (2003) that showed that emotion and emotion-laden words are represented, processed and recalled differently from abstract and concrete words.
Pike, 1993: 16–18) This insight emerged from his own experience as a language user and later as a trained phonetician: It was with astonishment, years ago, that I learned that the two p-sounds of the word paper are different in my own dialect of English – the first is aspirated (pronounced with a tiny puff of breath following it), but the second is unaspirated. The sameness was for me emic (phonemic); I had not observed the etic difference until I had studied some phonetics. ] The variability within sameness may be easier for the insider to recognise in relation to nonphonological items and behavior than it is within phonology.