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By J. Ahearne

Culture, understood largely, lay on the middle of contrasting right-wing ideas for presidency in France in the course of the pivotal decade of 2002-2012. taking a look at problems with secularism, schooling, televisual functionality, public reminiscence and nation-branding Ahearne analyses how presidents Chirac and Sarkozy sought to redefine modern French identity.

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By J. Ahearne

Culture, understood largely, lay on the middle of contrasting right-wing ideas for presidency in France in the course of the pivotal decade of 2002-2012. taking a look at problems with secularism, schooling, televisual functionality, public reminiscence and nation-branding Ahearne analyses how presidents Chirac and Sarkozy sought to redefine modern French identity.

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89)). The reform was largely implemented in terms of formal class organization, but the substantial ‘cultural’ issue of what classes would actually do was left to the inertia of existing curricular patterns. This was to store up problems. Initially these were less visible than they might have been, as there were ways of filtering out academically weaker pupils (those with learning difficulties would enter a parallel stream from the age 11, but there were also vocational channels from the age of 13).

As with de Gaulle, there was an economic rationale for this reform: Giscard wanted to raise levels of qualification to meet the 40 Government through Culture and the Contemporary French Right demands of an advanced industrial economy and to produce a wider pool for the selection of elites. But he consistently presented this landmark reform in terms of a fundamental cultural programme. We can illustrate this with three quotations from 1974, 1976 and 1977: The question of educational reform is fundamental for me [ .

36). To ensure the further mining of this emblematic seam, the UMP had announced its own ‘debate’ on the place of Islam in France for the spring, though it finally tried to euphemize somewhat the manifest intent behind the device by presenting a round table on Islam in France as simply one component of a wider debate on laicity. The political agenda was too obvious to the leaders of the principal religious organizations, who declined the invitation, and set about promoting what they called a more serene ‘laïcité de bonne intelligence’ – a laicity of good understanding (Le Bars, 2011b).

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