By Matthew G. Specter
This e-book follows postwar Germany's major thinker and social philosopher, Jürgen Habermas, via 4 a long time of political and constitutional fight over the form of liberal democracy in Germany. Habermas's so much influential theories - of the general public sphere, communicative motion, and modernity - have been decisively formed by way of significant West German political occasions: the failure to de-Nazify the judiciary, the increase of a robust Constitutional court docket, scholar rebellions within the past due Nineteen Sixties, the altering fortunes of the Social Democratic social gathering, NATO's selection to station nuclear guns, and the unforeseen cave in of East Germany. In flip, Habermas's writings on country, legislations, and structure performed a serious position in reorienting German political inspiration and tradition to a revolutionary liberal-democratic version. Matthew Specter uniquely illuminates the interrelationship among the philosopher and his tradition.
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This booklet follows postwar Germany's best thinker and social philosopher, Jürgen Habermas, via 4 a long time of political and constitutional fight over the form of liberal democracy in Germany. Habermas's so much influential theories - of the general public sphere, communicative motion, and modernity - have been decisively formed via significant West German political occasions: the failure to de-Nazify the judiciary, the increase of a strong Constitutional court docket, pupil rebellions within the past due Nineteen Sixties, the altering fortunes of the Social Democratic celebration, NATO's selection to station nuclear guns, and the unforeseen cave in of East Germany.
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Extra info for Habermas: An Intellectual Biography
Chapter 3 examines the evolution of Habermas’s thought between 1961 and 1981, with a focus on the critical years 1964–9. It argues that the groundwork for one of his masterworks, The Theory of Communicative Action (1981), was laid before 1968, a fact with significant implications for how his career is understood as a whole. The positions Habermas took between 1964 and 1969 responded to a pervasive discourse on “technocracy,” or rule by experts, in which all political tendencies in West German society from the far left to the conservative right participated.
86 Between Facts and Norms represents a solution to the problem of the alleged contradiction between liberalism and democracy by describing them as “internally related” to one another and mutually supportive. Meanwhile, as a ’58er, Habermas was keenly aware of the value of the rule of law, the absence of which is a defining experience of his generation. . ”90 Another colleague from the University of Frankfurt notes that Habermas was always a “legalistic” thinker in some Ingeborg Maus, “Justiz als Über-Ich.
The phrase “streitbare Demokratie” first appears in this case, BVerfGE 5, 85. 30 Nick Thomas, Dissent and Democracy: Protest Movements in West Germany (London: Berg, 2003), 34. 31 The seats were apportioned 270 for the CDU and 169 for the SPD. ”32 The December 1957 decision of NATO to equip European member states with nuclear weapons spurred nationwide protests from a diverse range of West German citizens. In January 1958, the “Struggle Against Atomic Death” (Kampf den Atomtod) campaigns began; Habermas participated in its Frankfurt branch.