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By Richard Aldous

When Harold Macmillan turned best minister in 1957, Britain had reached a severe element in its modern heritage. there has been nonetheless facts of Britain's prestige as a superb strength, but the former year's humiliation at Suez had undermined its credibility. by way of taking key components of in another country coverage - summitry, the center East, defence, Empire, and Europe - this quantity appears at Macmillan's makes an attempt to set up a brand new overseas coverage time table after Suez. in line with examine in private and non-private documents in Britain, the USA and Germany, Harold Macmillan and Britain's global position bargains a serious reappraisal of British overseas coverage among 1957 and 1963, addressing how effectively Macmillan responded his personal key query: 'Why should still the united kingdom remain within the gigantic game?'

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By Richard Aldous

When Harold Macmillan turned best minister in 1957, Britain had reached a severe element in its modern heritage. there has been nonetheless facts of Britain's prestige as a superb strength, but the former year's humiliation at Suez had undermined its credibility. by way of taking key components of in another country coverage - summitry, the center East, defence, Empire, and Europe - this quantity appears at Macmillan's makes an attempt to set up a brand new overseas coverage time table after Suez. in line with examine in private and non-private documents in Britain, the USA and Germany, Harold Macmillan and Britain's global position bargains a serious reappraisal of British overseas coverage among 1957 and 1963, addressing how effectively Macmillan responded his personal key query: 'Why should still the united kingdom remain within the gigantic game?'

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Extra resources for Harold Macmillan and Britain’s World Role

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Macmillan, Pointing the Way, p. 205 and p. 208; Memorandum of conference with the President, 16 May 1960: Eisenhower Library (Abilene), Whitman File, DDE Diary Series 50, Staff Notes; Beschloss, Mayday, p. 290. Record of meeting between the four leaders, 16 May 1960: PRO (Kew) , FO 371/1714, Paris, May 1960; D. Eisenhower, The White House Years: Waging Peace, 1956-61 (London, 1961), p. 556; Beschloss, Mayday, p. 290; Eisenhower to de Gaulle, 18 May 1960: Eisenhower Library (Abilene), Whitman File, International series 12.

He told the President that his real objective was to come to America for talks but 'in a curious way the best thing to do would be for me to get to Washington via Moscow'. This, he wrote, might stop the French and Germans misinterpreting the Washington visit 'as a sign of the intimate Anglo-American friendship of which they are so jealous'. 'It looks a little obvious,' commented a clearly unimpressed Eisenhower. He had already made clear to British Ambassador Harold Caccia his opinion that a trip to Moscow would be 'particularly dangerous' in the current crisis but reluctantly agreed that Macmillan 'can call there ...

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. II. 12. 13. 14. 15. Sunday Times, 29 August 1993; F. Muir and S. Brett, The Penguin Book of Comedy Sketches (London: Penguin 1992), p. 182; H. Macmillan, Pointing the Way, 1959-61 (London: Macmillan 1972), p. 113 and photograph facing p. 408. See Sabine Lee's essay in this volume. A. Horne, Macmillan Volume 2, 1957-1986 (London: Macmillan, 1989), p. 134; J. Lacouture, De Gaulle: The Ruler, 1945-1970 (London: Collins Harvill, 1991), pp. 334-8. P. Clarke, A Question of Leadership: From Gladstone to Thatcher (London: Penguin, 1992), pp.

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