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By Henk Schulte Nordholt, Gerry Van Klinken

For many years virtually the single social scientists who visited Indonesia's provinces have been anthropologists. anyone drawn to politics or economics spent so much in their time in Jakarta. Following the cave in of the recent Order, issues started to ensue within the provinces that nobody was once ready for. Democratization used to be one, decentralization one other. Ethnic and non secular identities emerged that had lain buried below the blanket of the hot Order's modernizing ideology. surprising, occasionally violent types of political festival got here to gentle.

This quantity is the results of a two-year examine venture that brings jointly a world staff of 24 students - commonly from Indonesia and the Netherlands but in addition from the USA, Australia, Germany, Canada, and Portugal.

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By Henk Schulte Nordholt, Gerry Van Klinken

For many years virtually the single social scientists who visited Indonesia's provinces have been anthropologists. anyone drawn to politics or economics spent so much in their time in Jakarta. Following the cave in of the recent Order, issues started to ensue within the provinces that nobody was once ready for. Democratization used to be one, decentralization one other. Ethnic and non secular identities emerged that had lain buried below the blanket of the hot Order's modernizing ideology. surprising, occasionally violent types of political festival got here to gentle.

This quantity is the results of a two-year examine venture that brings jointly a world staff of 24 students - commonly from Indonesia and the Netherlands but in addition from the USA, Australia, Germany, Canada, and Portugal.

Show description

Read Online or Download Renegotiating Boundaries: Local Politics in post-Soeharto Indonesia (Verhandelingen Van Het Koninklijk Instituut) PDF

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Extra info for Renegotiating Boundaries: Local Politics in post-Soeharto Indonesia (Verhandelingen Van Het Koninklijk Instituut)

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It is revealing that in the writings of the ‘professional optimists’ the role of the army and the police as important actors at the regional level is completely ignored. Both the World Bank (2003) and the Asia Foundation (2002) sketch in their reports an Indonesia without army, militias and organized crime. For those familiar with the literature on decentralization in post-colonial states, the issues mentioned here do not come as a surprise. In a general review of the subject worldwide, Frerks and Otto (1996) concluded that the 19 The World Bank (World Bank 2003) refers to the surprisingly large number of newly elected district heads (bupati) who are not affiliated with majority parties in their region, and admits that substantial amounts of money from the centre seem to disappear once they reach the region.

Introduction 23 overlap of religious and ethnic identities (like in the old Malay world where masuk Melayu was synonymous with the conversion to Islam). Contrary to the old idea that national integration and increased contact between different groups would erode ethnic identities, government policy, migration and intensified competition for scarce resources had led since the 1980s to an intensification of ethnic consciousness. The New Order believed that it could handle the variety of differences it had helped to create.

The loser only received assurances of lobbying the following year. This was not equal opportunity buying, I concluded. It was un-equal opportunity buying. 6 This matches many political patronage patterns worldwide, as well as Indonesia’s local markets, where stores offering fixed prices are recent phenomena, which strangely displace personal negotiations over social difference and the local value of goods. Michele Ford (2003) describes a Batak man in Riau forced to pay higher prices for kerosene because of his non-Muslim, non-Malay identity.

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