By Charlotte M Gradie
A modern observer of the four-year Tepehuan Indian riot in a northern province of latest Spain defined it as "one of the best outbreaks of illness, upheaval, and destruction that have been obvious in New Spain because the Conquest".
In The Tepehuan rebellion of 1616, Charlotte Gradie provides the rebellion as a pivotal try out of either the Spanish associations of conquest and Jesuit evangelism, in addition to the Tepehuan ability for army and cultural resistance. The unrest ended in the dying of over 2 hundred Spaniards, in addition to an uncounted variety of slaves and servants. Ten missionaries, 8 of them Jesuits, additionally died, and there has been large destruction of estate. The variety of Tepehuanes who died from war-related explanations was once expected by means of one Spanish resource at 4,000.
The horror of the rebellion for the Spanish was once more advantageous through its overall shock. The Tepehuanes, thought of "pacified" in view that 1590, have been identified for his or her bellicosity, yet by the point of the rebellion many had settled in project cities supervised by means of Jesuits who spoke the local language. For the Spanish, the single logical rationalization used to be that the Tepehuanes' rebellion used to be the paintings of the satan. even supposing the Spanish coverage towards indigenous peoples had advanced from one among overall warfare to 1 that depended on the extra peaceable missions, the insurrection prompted the Spanish to reintroduce the presidio process to guard the missions and the hard work resource for his or her increasing economy.
While the eventually unsuccessful riot can have been an attempt through Tepehuan warrior elite to reassert their authority, it led to a reaffirmation of Jesuit missionary task in Mexico and adjusted Spanish colonial equipment in Sinaloa, Sonora, BajaCalifornia, and Arizona.
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Extra info for The Tepehuan Revolt of 1616: Militarism, Evangelism and Colonialism in Seventeenth-Century Nueva Vizcaya
Others attributed disease to the Indians’ predilection to drunkenness. 54 Some observers looked for reasons other than disease to explain the depopulation among the Indians. Mota y Escobar wrote that Indian towns lost inhabitants when individuals left to work for the Spanish. 55 Pérez de Ribas believed that many Indians left their towns and rancherias to live on Spanish estancias because life was secure there. 56 Pérez de Ribas’s explanation for the diminution of the Mayo Indians of Sinaloa also shows a similar ambivalence.
Diego de Ibarra, who succeeded his nephew as governor of Nueva Vizcaya, admitted as much when he wrote in 1582 that “[t]he truth . . ”1 As the native population declined in number, there were thus fewer Indians to exploit as well. This meant that the Spanish had less practical incentive to preserve the native society in the north than they had in other places where the tribute-paying capacity of the natives was a mainstay of the colonial economy. Frequent raids and rebellions created another problem: not only native culture should be eliminated but also the natives themselves.
They were interested in placing natives, even those like the Tepehuanes who chose not to participate in The Northern Frontier 41 the fighting, in a legal category that would allow them to eradicate the native cultures as well as make a profit by enslaving the people. In order to do this, the Spanish had to demonstrate that the Indians were legally deserving of such treatment. The conditions for enslavement were few. 35 The change in the use of the word Chichimeca becomes more apparent when the text by Gonzalo de las Casas, “Noticia de los Chichimecas,” written at the time the war reached its climax, is compared with Sahagún’s Historia.