By Richard Carr
Among 1918 and 1939, 448 males who played uniformed carrier within the First international warfare grew to become Conservative MPs. This fairly high-profile cohort were under-explored as a special physique, but a learn in their reports of the warfare and the ways that they - and the Conservative social gathering - represented these reports to the balloting public finds a lot in regards to the political tradition of Interwar Britain and using the nice conflict as political capital.Radicalised ex-servicemen have, to this point, been thought of a slightly continental phenomenon historiographically. And while attitudes to Hitler and Mussolini shape a part of this research, the examine additionally explores why there have been fewer such forms in Britain. The Conservative get together, it will likely be proven, performed an important half in this type of procedure - with British politics serving as a contested area for survivors' interpretations of what the warfare should still suggest.
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Additional info for Veteran MPs and Conservative Politics in the Aftermath of the Great War: The Memory of All That
73 The difference lay in the fact that men such as Neville Chamberlain did not actually witness the horrors that would undoubtedly haunt them in later years, and in whose honour they would erect monument after monument. This begat the learning of different lessons from 1914–18 which Chapter 3 will address. For all that the literary accounts of Sassoon and Owen colour our understanding of the trenches, at least they had actually served. One is struck, reading the testimony of those who remained at home, how little such men could know of events on the continent.
Doubtless, individual campaigns have had their differences exposed – Lawrence of Arabia, ANZACs at Gallipoli, Sassoon and Graves in France – but we still tend to think of these experiences as variations upon a collective theme of perpetual horror. The First World War was a total war, no doubt. Few would have experienced 1914–18 without a family member or friend enlisting, whilst the Zeppelin raids brought war to mainland Britain for the first time since the days of Bonnie Prince Charlie. Despite this, the tacitly implied notion that for four years, day and night, the nation in its entirety either fired a gun or mourned loved ones is obviously implausible.
This begat the learning of different lessons from 1914–18 which Chapter 3 will address. For all that the literary accounts of Sassoon and Owen colour our understanding of the trenches, at least they had actually served. One is struck, reading the testimony of those who remained at home, how little such men could know of events on the continent. Men who would later allow the Great War to frame much of their policy – one thinks here principally of Chamberlain and appeasement – actually derived much of their understanding of it from tittle-tattle and hearsay.