By Jeffrey A. Engel
What occurs while lifestyles, with the intention to communicate, moves the President of the U.S.? How do presidents and their households deal with disease, own loss, and scandal, and the way have such own crises affected a president's skill to steer, formed presidential decision-making in serious moments, and even perhaps altered the process occasions?
In asking such questions, the essays during this quantity -- written via twelve top students famous for his or her services on their respective topics -- exhibit alternately the frailty, the humanity, and the energy of personality of a few of America's so much arguable presidents. 3 of them take care of the loss of life of children--the effect of the lack of a tender son on Franklin Pierce, Abraham Lincoln, and Calvin Coolidge. one other exhibits how, whilst his father suffered a stroke, John F. Kennedy misplaced his most crucial adviser because the trouble in Cuba loomed. 3 essays inform tales approximately infamous, self-inflicted scandals in the course of the presidencies of Andrew Jackson, Richard Nixon, and invoice Clinton. numerous of them specialize in the results of incapacity or disease within the Oval workplace -- on Woodrow Wilson's stroke on the finish of global struggle I; Franklin Roosevelt's paralysis whereas major the rustic throughout the nice melancholy and global warfare II; Ronald Reagan's struggles and altered priorities within the wake of an assassination try; and the bearing of melancholy and character problems of 1 sort or one other at the activities Jackson, John Tyler, Lyndon Johnson, and Richard Nixon in the course of their an important years in place of work.
While illuminating a substantial span of yank historical past and supplying new and demanding analyses of yankee politics and international coverage, those interesting essays remind us in regards to the own part of presidential management, and that the following day is promised to no one.
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Extra info for When life strikes the president : scandal, death, and illness in the White House
Calhoun had further explained that “when the subject was first presented by the President, he had been for taking pretty strong, & instituting an inquiry into your conduct, but after Mature consideration the Cabinet had made a different decision, and he had acquies’d and he observed he had yielded his opinion with less reluctance, finding the President strongly inclined to adopt a different course. 31 In short, said Lacock, Calhoun had not tried to talk him into condemning Jackson in his report.
29 Lacock was no political friend of Jackson or of Calhoun, and he proved reluctant to enter into a moribund controversy for the benefit of either. But he finally consented to answer written questions from Jackson, provided that full copies of the exchange were furnished to Calhoun as well. 30 The answers that came back must have staggered him. To the first query, whether Calhoun had shown him Jackson’s Rhea letter, Lacock replied: “Mr Calhoun never did at any time or upon any occasion, communicate to me, either verbally or in writing, his knowledge of the existence of such a letter,” although he had learned of its contents from other sources.
31 In short, said Lacock, Calhoun had not tried to talk him into condemning Jackson in his report. He had tried to talk him out of it. Lacock could not resist a mocking signoff. As Jackson had avowed to him that he aimed only at “ ‘the establishment of truth, and to do justice to all men,’ ” Lacock declared his “sincere pleasure” in furthering such a laudable end, and thus, he hoped, in “producing harmony” and restoring “amicable relations” between Jackson and Calhoun. Jackson’s only answer was embarrassed silence— and what passed thereafter between Jackson and Baldwin, who had egged him on to query Lacock, can only be imagined.